پژوهشنامه انقلاب اسلامی
پیاپی 32 (پاییز 1398)

The Middle East is a regional anarchy system that often works according to the realistic rules of power politics. The inherent nature of this regional system has brought about changes in the behavior of actors, on the security and the interests of other members of the Middle East region. In the regional rivalry of Iran and rival regional players, especially in Saudi Arabia, one can see the effects of ideological and geopolitical rivalry. The activation of the allies and the support of the groups is another part of the signs of rivalry between Iran and these Saudi-dominated regional who have been ousted by the glorious Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1357. Several regional issues have led to the emergence of a convergence of views between Iran and regional rivals in the Middle East, and has made it difficult to achieve stability and understanding in interrelations. The present paper seeks to answer the question of how regional geopolitical codes on the one hand affect political behavior and rivalry with regional rivals in the Middle East. On the other hand, how does this effect affect the future of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? Does it leave? The hypothesis of the research is that the choice of geopolitical code by the region of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the competition with the countries supporting the terrorism and affiliated with the West in the region (including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Turkey) in the field of identity issues, Security and national interests. Based on this, Iran has defined the geopolitical codes as well as the definition of its friends and enemies, how to protect them, and at the same time defending their own interests and confronting threats, and justifying these actions and responses to threats. There are a number of uncertainties that threaten the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and from this perspective, it is important to examine the codes that are in crisis, and then their impact on the future of the Islamic Revolution. The method of this research is descriptive-analytic. The research data are collected in a library and through a picturing tool.

Imam Khomeini, during his political life and during the leadership of the Islamic Revolution (68-57), talked about the arrogant policies of influencing the Islamic revolution to overthrow or change its nature, which are necessary to protect the Islamic system. Note. This article answers this question as to whether the Imam's speeches in the field of penetration policies, evidence, documents or Qur'anic origins? The method of this research is documentary and the fingerprinting technique is used to collect information. The findings indicate that Imam Khomeini has doubted the ways of influencing the revolution, the generalization and deviation of the general minds, the application of the policy of fear and rjaya, the creation of differences, the induction of despair and the negation of self-esteem, gossip and rumination, Distortion, etc., and expresses them with the evidence and documentation of the Qur'an, so the words of the Imam are in accordance with the commands and descriptions of the God of the Sufi in the Holy Qur'ān, where the foe of the enemy to penetrate The Islamic Revolution spoke, referring to the word of God, that the sick hearts of the paths of putting all sorts of things out of their paths out of their path; when speaking of the ego Amfryby and diversion of public opinion to the orders of the Qur'an about Pharaoh and Nimrod noted policies. Imam Khomeini (RA) also referred to the practice of fear and rajah, which is consistent with the policies of the pharaoh's crowning in killing boys and keeping girls alive. And also warned of the creation of disagreements by the enemy, which, by virtue of his beliefs, is in harmony with the holy Qur'an.

One of the challenges actions in the first period of Mohammad reza Pahlavi monarchy was stablishment of constituent Assembly in 1949 in which the right to dissolve the Houses was delivered to the Shah. Shah, referring to this resolution, dissolved the houses in early 1961, and many laws were passed by the government during the long period of parliamentary closure. Some of these laws were opposed to the Shari'a of Islam, and therefore, a religious and democratic movement has formed in against of it in the second half of 1964, when Imam Khomeini gradually assumed a central role in it. One of the aspects of his approach at this movement was the emphasis on the illegality of the passage of laws during closing the houses. The present research is carried out with a descriptive-analytical method of historical type and seeks to answer the question of what caused the establishment of the Constituent Assembly in the Pahlavi regime and what was the reflection and effect of this action on Imam Khomeini's movement? Findings of the research indicate that the Shah formed the Constituent Assembly to dominate on the constitutional system and granted the right to dissolve the Houses, on the other hand, Imam Khomeini, who sought the formation of an Islamic state, has based one of the aspects of revolutionary movement in a rational and legislatinal way.

1144/5000 National production is one of the needs of any society for the survival and continuity of human life and will have more political independence and national dignity as the political systems in the field of strategic and strategic products achieve self-sufficiency. This issue, while the Pahlavi regime did not have much value for national production and domestic product support, always emphasized oil revenues and open door policy, importing goods on the agenda, thereby reducing the flow of national production In Iran. From this perspective, the present paper attempts to answer this question using library studies and a questionnaire method; what are the damage to the national production during the Pahlavi regime and what has affected the Iranian economy? SPSS software is used to analyze the data. The assumption is that the Pahlavi regime has had more emphasis on importing economic products than domestic production, and oil revenues have had a huge impact on this issue. However, factors such as customs clearance, government interference in economic affairs, dependence of the economy on foreign goods, imports of crops, dependent industries, lack of support from domestic producers and poor economic structures have led to the destruction of production during the Pahlavi era Is.

The Islamic Revolution, especially since the year 1360, with the hegemony of the Islamist faction, has created massive changes in the political and social life of the Iranian society. Following this model of foreign policy action, the country has undergone fundamental changes in the tendency towards unity and coalition with the West to subjugate and even oppose international norms and institutions and power structure. Understand the reasons for this change. Foreign policy is a pivotal issue due to the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic.Hence, this article seeks to understand and explain the factors shaping the orientation of foreign policy in this period. Accordingly, the question was raised about how foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran was shaped in this period and in what theoretical framework could this situation be explained and analyzed? The hypothesis is that the formation of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic reflects the change in the nature of the state, which means the construction and ideology of power, the economic structure and policies resulting from it, and the nature of social forces and the kind of relationship they have with the power established in an interactive atmosphere. In order to obtain a more comprehensive model, the analysis of this research should use a political economic approach.

The main purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze the consensus in political thought and practice of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei. Thus, the present article seeks to answer the central question of what is the consensus in the leadership style of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei? In order to answer the paper's questions, document analysis method is used that is of a variety of qualitative methods. With this method, available documents include books, articles and theses and documents reviewed. By examining the political thought of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, components such as consultation, dialogue and reasoning and elections Free and equal have been considered by Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei in the process of consensus building. It can be said that consensus on political thought and practice of Imam Khomeini (RA) and Ayatollah Khamenei has a special place. Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei have repeatedly emphasized on consultation, dialogue and elections .Therefore, after examining his political thought, he has tried to provide evidence of consultation, dialogue and election in a consensus. By studying in the leadership style of Imam Khomeini (PBUH) and Ayatollah Khamenei, we can say that he was engaged in political, social, cultural, economic, military, and ... issues Consensus through consultation, dialogue and negotiation, as well as public participation (elections). They have thus modeled their leadership style in consensus.

The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is obliged by Article 11 of the Constitution and the religious foundations of the government to base its overall policy on coalition and unity of the Islamic Nations and to pursue "the realization of the political, economic and cultural unity of the Islamic world"; It requires conducting policy studies in various dimensions, especially in the cultural field, as the most important priority of the Islamic Revolution. Today, the heavy costs of divisions and strife between Muslims in the region and global conditions have doubled the need to pay attention to the cause of Islamic unity. The main question of the article is to find a model for the cultural policy making of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to create and strengthen unity in Iran and the Islamic world. In the conceptual section, of course, it is explained that unity does not mean uniformity. The theory chosen is to provide a model of "unity in plurality". Within the framework of cultural policy theories and intercultural communication through library studies and thematic analysis method, the authors attempt to prove the hypothesis of the article that it is necessary to first present the Islamic principles and values based on Islamic unity cultural policy making model. It is to be explained, then the objectives that are achievable for this Ideal are drawn and finally the strategies and operational policies to be expressed for the purposes. Presenting this template in the form of charts and tables is one of the innovations of the article. Obviously, after policy making, it is the executive planning stage that is beyond the scope of the paper, although the main authorities for pursuit of any policy in the area of governance have been pointed out in policies table.

The present paper seeks to answer the question by the descriptive-analytical method and based on the common historical classification of the superscriptive political Islam, which consists of five subcategories of Islamic pragmatism, constructivism, democracy, justice, and moderate subjectivity, to answer the question of what the political cinema shows in each Is it possible to measure these periods? And what is the impact of Islamic political Islam on the process of political cinema in Iran? The present paper seeks to answer the question by the descriptive-analytical method and based on the common historical classification of the superscriptive political Islam, which consists of five subcategories of Islamic pragmatism, constructivism, democracy, justice, and moderate subjectivity, to answer the question of what the political cinema shows in each Is it possible to measure these periods? And what is the impact of Islamic political Islam on the process of political cinema in Iran? It seems that the official cultural policies of the country in the field of cinema during the past four decades, despite the relative ups and downs, have been shaped by the superstition of political Islam. In such a way that most decision-makers and cinema officials at any time adapted to the scores derived from this superfiction by actions such as artistic (such as the artistic revolution of the Islamic Revolution), institution-building (such as the cinematic organization), or the sponsorship of the production of films with the concepts of the Islamic Revolution (such as Sacred Defense films) follow the same general lines.